Cairo University FOR
IMMEDIATE RELEASE June 4, 2009 Cairo, Egypt
REMARKS
BY THE PRESIDENT ON A NEW BEGINNING
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the
timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For
over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and
for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.
And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm
grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And
I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a
greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.
(Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around
the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current
policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of
coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently,
tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many
Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often
treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the
sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view
the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority
of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these
extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to
view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but
also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those
who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the
cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And
this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and
Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and
one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not
be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles --
principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human
beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a
lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of
mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the
complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in
order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in
our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a
sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect
one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be
conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I
will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task
before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are
far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but
my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a
boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the
break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago
communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam
-- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many
centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was
innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim
communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools
of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how
disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic
arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant
calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam
has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious
tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first
nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in
1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in
itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of
Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United
States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they
have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at
our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel
Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the
first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to
defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding
Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it
was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership
between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And
I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to
fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.)
Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude
stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the
greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of
revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are
created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give
meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world. We are
shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a
simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name
Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal
story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come
true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our
shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country
today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than
the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's
religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over
1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has
gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to
punish those who would deny it. (Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America
holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in
life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to
get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities,
and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.
Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if
we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we
face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens
in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human
being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of
nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one
stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in
Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.
(Applause.) That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That
is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often
been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one
another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes
are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one
nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we
think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt
with through partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests
the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let
me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I
believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its
forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with
Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists
who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that
people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.
And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work
together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the
Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went
because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or
even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly
3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from
America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al
Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack,
and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have
affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not
opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see
no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to
lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue
this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we
could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now
Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is
not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite
the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us
should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have
killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed
Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the
progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills
an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the
Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all
mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much
bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in
combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems
in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year
over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and
hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've
been displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help
Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of
choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the
tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded
America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to
resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the
words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with
our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future --
and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause)
-- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no
claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's
why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we
will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove
combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from
Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its security forces and
develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner,
and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must
never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our
country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some
cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking
concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of
torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay
closed by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the
rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are
also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim
communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation
between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It
is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the
aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be
denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and
anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I
will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were
enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million
Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.
Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening
Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply
wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims
and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years
they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West
Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they
have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and
small -- that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for
the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on
the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of
their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate
aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's
easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought
about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility
and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.
But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be
blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to
be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace
and security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the
world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome
with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The
obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road
map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to
live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is
wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered
the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was
not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined
insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story
can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to
Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is
a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to
blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's
how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The
Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions
that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some
Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To
play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian
people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize
Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist
cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the
legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction
violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time
for these settlements to stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can
live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian
families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's
security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.
Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of
a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was
an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The
Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab
nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the
Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to
recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating
focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in
public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.
(Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that
Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a
Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians
can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three
great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is
a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for
all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of
Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed,
peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and
responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the
Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its
opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.
In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow
of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution,
Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.
troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in
the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is
prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but
rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed
with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss
between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without
preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned
that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is
not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race
in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely
dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do
not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.
And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in
which no nations hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including
Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies
with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That
commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully
abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this
goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in
recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So
let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation
by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the
will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way,
grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know
what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a
peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for
certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are
governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;
government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to
live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights.
And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and
secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America
respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the
world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful
governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy
only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing
the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government
of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold
power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must
respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and
compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate
workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients,
elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address
together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia
and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia,
where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.
That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to
choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart
and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being
challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by
the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must
be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.
(Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among
Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic
violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We
must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United
States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill
their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American
Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim
citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating
what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any
religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service
projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why
we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and
Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can
turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action
-- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a
natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.
(Applause.) I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that
there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the
West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do
believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. (Applause.)
And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far
more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue
for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen
Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for
women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries
around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our
sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all
humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe
that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect
those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should
be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any
Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help
young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live
their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet
and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality
and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and
opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all
nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of
modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most
importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities,
our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be
contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South
Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The
same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from
Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities
have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon
what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out
of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and
some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must
recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century
-- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains
underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own
country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes
to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like
the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will
encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match
promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning
for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so
a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to
partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit
on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between
business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and
Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological
development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the
marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific
excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new
science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy,
create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm
announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference
to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities
to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with
citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and
businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a
better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a
responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world
where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come
home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of
their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where
governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are
respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can
only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can
forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to
stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort --
that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more
are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much
mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the
past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young
people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the
ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is
whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit
ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus
on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human
beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to
look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the
things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.
There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto
others as we would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends
nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or
brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the
cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around
the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to
make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female;
and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of
promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be
called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision.
Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
(Applause.) END 2:05 P.M. (Local)
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